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Interest and Duty of Colored Citizens in the 
Presidential Election, 



LETTER 



TO 



COLORED CITIZENS 



HON. CHARLES SUMNER, 



JULY 29, 1872. 



" I will say to the North, Give up ; and to the South, Keep not back."— Isaiah, chap, xliii, v. 6. 




WASHINGTON: 

P. & J. RIVES & GEO. A. BAILEY, 

REPORTERS AND PRINTERS OP THE DEBATES OP CONGRESS. 

1872. 



Letter to Colored Citizens. 



Washington, D. C, July 11, 1872. 
Sir: We, the undersigned, citizens of 
color, regarding you as the purest and best 
friend of our race, admiring your consistent 
course in the United States Senate and else- 
where as the special advocate of our rights, 
and believing that your counsel at this critical 
juncture in the period of our citizenship 
would be free from personal feeling and parti- 
san prejudice, have ventured to request your 
opinion as to what action the colored voters 
of the nation should take in the presidential 
contest now pending. 

The choice of our people is now narrowed 
down to General Grant or Horace Greeley. 
Your long acquaintance with both and your 
observation have enabled you to arrive at a 
correct conclusion as to which of the candi- 
dates, judging from their antecedents as well 
as their present position, will, if elected, 
enforce the requirements of the Constitution 
and the laws respecting our civil and political 
rights with the most heartfelt sympathy and 
the greatest vigor. 

We hope and trust you will favor us with 
such reply as will serve to enlighten our 
minds upon this subject and impel our people 
to go forward in the right direction. Our con- 
fidence in your judgment is so firm that, in 
our opinion, thousands of the intelligent col- 
ored voters of the country will be guided in 
their action by your statement and advice. 

Hoping to receive a reply soon, we have the 
honor to be, with great respect, your obedient 
servants, 

A. T. AUGUSTA, M. D., 
DAVID FISHER, sr., 
JNO. H. SMITH, 
EDWARD CRUSER, 
WM. H. A. WORMLEY, 
WILLIAM P. WILSON, 
R. W. TOMPKINS, 
JOHN H. BROWN, 
HENRY LACY. 
W. H. BELL, 
J. L. N. BO WEN, M. D., 
JACOB DE WITTER, 
SAMUEL PROCTER, 
J. J. KETCH UM, 
CHAS. N. THOMAS, 
WM. H. SHORTER, 
HENRY HILL, 
TURMAN J. SHADD, 
GEO. D. JOHNSON, 
CHRIS. A. FLEETWOOD, 
CHAS. F. BRUCE, 
DAVID FISHER, jr., 
DAVID KING, 
WM. POLKENY. 
Hon. Charles Sumner. 

Washington, July 29, 1872. 
Gentlemen and Fellow-Citizens : 

If I have delayed answering your communi- 
cation of July 11, which was duly placed in 



my hands by your committee, it is not because 
the proper course for you seemed doubtful, 
but because I wished to reflect upon it and be 
aided by information which time might sup- 
ply. Since then I have carefully considered 
the inquiries addressed me and have listened 
to much on both sides, but my best judgment 
now is in harmony with my early conclusion. 
I am touched by the appeal you make. It 
is true that I am the friend of your race, and I 
am glad to be assured that in your opinion I 
have held a consistent course in the Senate and 
elsewhere as the special advocate of your 
rights. That course, by the blessing of God, 
I mean to hold so long as life lasts. I know 
your infinite wrongs, and feel for them as my 
own. You only do me simple justice when 
you add a belief that my counsel at this critical 
juncture of your citizenship would be free 
from personal feelings and partisan prejudice. 
In answeringyour inquiries I can have no senti- 
ment except for your good, which I most anx- 
iously seek ; nor can any disturbing influ- 
ence be allowed to interfere. The occasion is 
too solemn. Especially is there no room for 
personal feeling or for partisan prejudice. No 
man or party can expect power except for the 
general welfare. Therefore they must be 
brought to the standard of truth, which ia 
without feeling or prejudice. 

QUESTIONS proposed. 

You are right in saying that the choice for the 
Presidency is now " narrowed down" to Pres- 
ident Grantor Horace Greeley. One of these 
is to be taken, and, assuming my acquaintance 
with both and my observation of their lives, 
you invite myjudgment between them, asking 
me especially which of the two, judging from 
their antecedents as well as present position, 
would enforce the Constitution and laws secur- 
ing your civil and politicals rights with the 
most heartfelt sympathy and the greatest vigor. 
Here I remark that, in this inquiry, you 
naturally put your rights in the foreground. 
So do I ; — believing most sincerely that the 
best interests of the whole country are asso- 
ciated with the completest recognition of your 
rights, so that the two races shall live together 
in unbroken harmony. I also remark thai 
you call attention to two things, the " ante- 
cedents" of the candidates, and secondly 
their "present position." You wish to know 
from these which gives assurance of the most 
heartfelt sympathy and greatest vigor in the 
maintenance of your rights ; in other words, 
which, judging by the past, will be your truest 
friend. 

The communication with which you have 
honored me is not alone. Colored fellow- 
citizens in other parts of the country, I may 
say in nearly every State of the Union, 
have made a similar request, and some com- 
plain that I have thus far kept silent. I am 
not insensible to the trust reposed in me. But 
if my opinion is given, it must be candidly 



according to my conscience. In this spirit I 
answer jour inquiries, beginning with the ante- 
cedents of the two candidates. 

ANTECEDENTS OP THE CANDIDATES. 

I. Horace Greeley was born to poverty and 
educated himself in a printing office. Presi- 
dent Grant, fortunate in early patronage, 
became a cadet at West Point and was edu- 
cated at the public expense. One started with 
nothing but industry and character ; the other 
started with a military commission. One was 
trained as a civilian ; the other as a soldier. 
Horace Greeley stood forth as a Reformer 
and Abolitionist. President Grant enlisted 
as a pro-slavery Democrat, and, at the elec- 
tion of James Buchanan, fortified by his vote all 
the pretensions of slavery, including the Dred 
Scott decision. Horace Greeley from early 
life was earnest and constant against slavery, 
full of sympathy with the colored race, and 
always foremost in the great battle for 
their rights. President Grant, except as 
a soldier, summoned by the terrible accident 
of war, never did anything against slavery, nor 
has he at any time shown any sympathy with 
the colored race, but rather indifference if 
not aversion. Horace Greeley earnestly de- 
sired that colored citizens should vote, and 
ably championed impartial suffrage ; but Pres- 
ident Grant was on the other side. 

Beyond these contrasts, which are marked, 
it cannot be forgotten that Horace Greeley is 
a person of large heart and large understand- 
ing, trained to the support of Human Rights, 
always beneficent with the poor, always ready 
for any good cause, and never deterred by 
opposition or reproach, as when for long years 
he befriended your people. Add to these 
qualities, conspicuous in his life, untiring in- 
dustry, which leaves no moment without its 
fruit — abundant political knowledge — ac 
quaintance with history — the instinct and 
grasp of statesmanship — an amiable nature — a 
magnanimous soul, and above all an honesty 
which no suspicion has touched, and you 
have a brief portraiture where are antecedents 
of Horace Greeley. 

Few of these things appear in the President. 
His great success in war, and the honors he 
has noil) oannot change the record of his 
conduct toward your people, especially in 
contrast with the life time fidelity of his com- 
petitor, while there are unhappy "antece- 
dents" showing that in the prosecution of his 
plans he cares nothing for the colored race. 
The story is painful ; but. it must be told. 
grant's indignity to tub colored hack. 

I refer to the outrage he perpetrated upon 

Hayti with its eight hundred thousand blacks, 

engaged in the great experiment of Belf-gov - 
i tii incut. Here is a most, instructive " antece- 
dent] " revealing beyond question his true na- 
ture, and the whole is attested by documentary 
evidence, Conceiving the idea of annexing 

Dominica) which is the Spanish pari ot the 

island, and shrinking at nothing, he began by 

seizing the war powers of the Government, in 

Bagranl violation of the Constitution, and then, 



at great expenditure of money, sent several 
armed ships of the Navy, including monitors, 
to maintain the usurper Baez in power, that 
through him he might obtain the coveted 
prize. Not content with this audacious dic- 
tatorship, he proceeded to strike at the inde- 
pendence of the Black Republic by open 
menace of war, and all without the sanction 
of Congress, to which is committed the power 
to make war. Sailing into the harbor of 
Port au Prince with our most powerful moni- 
tor, the Dictator, properly named for this ser- 
vice, also the frigate Severn as consort and 
other monitors in their train, the Admiral, 
acting under instructions from Washington, 
proceeded to the Executive Mansion, accom- 
panied by officers of his squadron, and then, 
pointing to the great war ships in sight from 
the windows, dealt his unjust menace, threat- 
ening to sink or capture Haytien ships. The 
President was black, not white. The Admiral 
would have done no such thing to any white 
ruler, nor would our country have tolerated 
such menace from any Government in the 
world. Here was indignity not only to the 
Black Republic, with its population of eight 
hundred thousand, but to the African race 
everywhere, and especially in our own coun- 
try. Nor did it end here. For months the 
Navy of the United States was kept hovering 
on the coast, holding that insulted people in 
constant dread and anxiety, while President 
Grant was to them like a hawk sailing in the 
air ready to swoop upon his prey. S 

FALSE IMPRISONMENT OF AN AMERICAN CITIZEN. \ 

This heartless, cruel proceeding found a 
victim among our white fellow-citizens. An 
excellent merchant of Connecticut, praised by 
all who know him, was plunged into prison by 
Baez, where he was immured because it was 
feared that on his return to New York he 
would expose the frauds of the plotters, 
and this captivity was prolonged with the 
connivance of two agents of the Pres- 
ident, one of whom finds constant favor 
with him and is part of the military ring im- 
mediately about him. That such an outrage 
could go unpunished shows the little regard 
of the President for human rights, whether 
in white or black. 

lt\uii TO BEAR THESE or TU AGES. 

I confess my trials, as I was called to wit- 
ness these things. Always a supporter of the 
Administration) and sincerely desiring to labor 
with it, I hal never uttered a word with regard 
to it except in kindness. My early opposition 
to the Treaty of Annexion was reserved, SO 
that for some time my opinions were unknown. 
It was only when I saw I lie breach of all law, 
human and divine, that I was aroused, and 
then began the anger of the President and of 
his rings, military and senatorial. Devoted 
to the African race, I felt for them, besides 

being humbled that the Great Republic, acting 
t hough its President, COUld set such an example, 

where the national Constitution', International 
Law, and Humanity were all sacrificed. Espe- 
cially was 1 moved when 1 saw the indignity 



5 



to the colored race which was accomplished by 
trampling upon a fundamental principle of 
International Law, declaring the equality of 
nations, as our Declaration of Independence 
declares the equality of men. 

This terrible transaction, which nobody can 
defend, is among the " antecedents" of Presi- 
dent Grant, from which you can judge how 
much the colored race can rely upon his 
" heart-felt sympathies." Nor can it be for- 
gotten that shortly afterward, on the return of 
the Commission from this island, Hon. Fred- 
erick Douglass, the colored orator, accom- 
plished in manners as in eloquence, was thrust 
away from the company of the commissioners 
at the common table of the mail packet on the 
Potomac, almost within sight of the Executive 
Mansion, simply on account of his color; but 
the President, at whose invitation he had 
joined the Commission, never uttered a word 
in condemnation of this exclusion, and when 
entertaining the returned commissioners at 
dinner carefully omitted Mr. Douglass, who 
was in Washington at the time, and thus re- 
peated the indignity. 

OTHER ANTECEDENTS. 

Other things might be mentioned, show- 
ing the sympathies of the President; but 
I cannot forget the Civil Rights Bill, which 
is the cap-stone of that Equality before 
the Law to which all are entitled with- 
out distinction of color. President Grant, who 
could lobby so assiduously for his St. Do- 
mingo scheme, full of wrong to the colored 
race, could do nothing for this beneficent 
measure. During a long session of Congress 
it was discussed constantly, and the colored 
people everywhere hung upon the debate; but 
there was no word of "heart-felt sympathy" 
from the President. At last, just before the 
nominating convention, he addressed a letter 
to a meeting of colored fellow-citizens in 
Washington, called to advance this cause, 
where he avoided the question by declaring 
himself in favor of "the exercise of those 
rights to which every citizen should be justly 
entitled," leaving it uncertain whether colored 
people are justly entitled to the rights secured 
by the pending bill. I understand that Horace 
Greeley has been already assailed by an im- 
practicable Democrat as friendly to this bill; 
but nobody has lisped against President Grant 
on this account. 

Among "antecedents," I deem it my duty 
to mention the little capacity or industry of 
the President in protecting colored people 
and in a«suring peace at the South. Nobody 
can doubt that a small portion of the effort 
and earnest will, even without the lobbying 
80 freely given to the St. Domingo scheme, 
would have averted those Ku Klux outrages 
which we deplore, thus superseding all 

Eretense for further legislation by Congress. 
lut he is disabled both by character and 
the drawback of his own conduct. After 
violating the Constitution and International 
Law to insult the Black Republic, and setting 
an example of insubordination, he is not in 
Condition to rebuke law-breakers. 



FRESENT POSITION OF CANDIDATES. 

II. Passing from "antecedents," I come 
now to the "present position" of the two 
candidates, which is the subject of your next 
inquiry. If in any formal particulars the 
two are on equality, yet in all substantial 
respects the obvious advantage is with Horace 
Greeley. 

NOMINATIONS OF THE TWO CANDIDATES. 

Each was nominated by a Republican con- 
vention, oue at Cincinnati and the other at 
Philadelphia, so that in this respect they 
may seem to be on equality. But it will not 
fail to be observed that the convention at 
Cincinnati was composed of able and acknowl- 
edged Republicans, many having acted with 
the party from its first, formation, who, without 
previous organization, came together volun- 
tarily for the sake of Reform and Purity 
in the Government; while, on the other 
hand, the convention at Philadelphia was 
composed of delegates chosen largely under 
the iufluence of officeholders who assem- 
bled to sustain what is known as Grantism, 
being the persoual government and personal 
pretensions of President Grant, involving nepo- 
tism, repayment of gifts by official patron- 
age, neglect of public duty, absenteeism, quar- 
reling, military rule, disregard of Constitution 
and law, with general unfitness and indignity 
to the colored race — all of which is so unre- 
publican as to make its support impossible / 
for true Republicans. Therefore, the conven- 
tion at Philadelphia, though calling itself Re- 
publican, was less Republican in reality than 
thatat Cincinnati. 

THE TWO PLATFORMS. 

The two platforms, so far as concerns es- 
pecially the colored race, are alike in sub- 
stance, but that of Cincinnati is expressed in 
terms most worthy of the equal rights it states 
and claims: " We recognize the equality of all 
men before the law and hold that it is the 
duty of Government in its dealings with the 
people to mete out equal and exact justice to 
all of whatever nativity, race, color or per- 
suasion, religious or political." In other re- 
spects the platform of Cincinnati is the most 
republican, inasmuch as it sets itself against 
those unrepublican abuses which have been 
nursed by the President into pernicious ac- 
tivity. 

SUPPORTERS OF THE TWO CANDIDATES. 

From the two nominations and two plat- 
forms I come to the supporters of the candi- 
dates ; and here I look, first, at those imme- 
diately about them, and, secondly, at the 
popular support behind. 

Horace Greeley has among his immediate 
supporters, in all parts of the country, devoted 
and consistent Republicans, always earnest 
for Reform and Parity in government on 
whose lives there is no shadow of suspicion — 
being a contrast in character to thorn; rings 
which play such a part in the present Admin- 
istration. The country knows too well the 
military Ring, the Senatorial Ring, andtheCus- 
tom-House Ring, through which the President 



6 



acts. Such supporters are a poor recom- 
mendation. 

DEMOCRATS TURNING REPUBLICANS. 

Looking at the popular support behind, the 
advantage is still with Horace Greeley. Presi- 
dent Grant has at his back the diversified army 
of officeholders, drilled to obey the word of 
command. The speeches praising him are by 
officeholders and members of rings. Horace 
Greeley finds flocking to his cause large num- 
bers of Republicans unwilling to continue 
the existing misrule, and as allies with them a 
regenerated party springing forward to unite 
in this liberal movement. Democrats in join- 
ing Horace Greeley have changed simply as 
President Grant changed when he joined the 
Republicans, except that he was rewarded at 
once with high office. The change is open. 
Adopting the Republican platform which 
places the Equal Rights of All under the safe- 
guard of irreversible guarantees and at the 
same time accepting the nomination of a life- 
time Abolitionist, who represents preeminently 
the sentiment of duty to the colored race, they 
have set their corporate seal to the sacred 
covenant. They may continue Democrats in 
name, but they are in reality Republicans, by 
the same title that those who sustain Repub- 
lican principlesare Republicans, or rather they 
are Democrats, according to the original sig- 
nification of that word, dedicated to the rights 
of the people. 

It is idle to say that Horace Greeley and 
the Republicans that nominated him are any 
less Republican because Democrats unite 
with them in support of cherished principles 
and the candidate who represents them. Con- 
versions are always welcome, and not less so, 
because the change is in a multitude rather 
than an individual. A political party cannot, 
if it would, and should not if it could, shut 
the door against converts, whether counted 
by the score, the hundred, or the thousand ; 
and so we find that the supporters of Presi- 
dent Grant announce with partisan triumph 
the adhesion of a single Democratic politician 
or a single Democratic newspaper. On equal 
reason and with higher pride may the support- 
ers of Horace Greeley announce the adhesion 
of the Democratic party, which, turning from 
the things that are behind, presses on to those 
that are before. 

OEBELBt'b blection the triumph of republican 
principles. 
It is also idle to say that the election of 
Horace Greeley as President with Gratz Brown 
as Vice President, both unchangeable Repub- 
licans, will be the return of the Democratic 
party to power. On the contrary it will be 
the inauguration of Republican principles, 
under the safeguard of a Republican Presi- 
dent and Republican Vice President, with 
Democrats as avowed supporters. In the 
organization of his Administration and in i ln- 
COnduct of affairs Horace I rreeley will naturally 
lean upon those who represent best the great 
promises of Equal Rights ami Reconcilia- 
tion made at Cincinnati. If Democrats are 
taken, it will be as Republicans in heart, 



recognizing the associate terms of the settle- 
ment as an immutable finality. 

The hardihood of political falsehood reaches 
its extreme point when it is asserted that un- 
der Horace Greeley thefreedmen will be reen- 
slaved, or that colored people will in any way 
suffer in their equal rights. On the contrary 
they have in his election not only the promises 
of the platform, but also the splendid example 
for a full generation, during which he has 
never wavered in the assertion of their rights. 
To suppose that Horace Greeley, when placed 
where he can do them the most good, will 
depart from the rule of his honest life is an 
insult to reason. 

It is none the less idle to suppose that Dem- 
ocrats supporting Horace Greeley expect or 
desire that he should depart from those prin- 
ciples which are the glory of his character. 
They have accepted the Cincinnati platform 
with its two-fold promises and intend in good 
faith to maintain it. Democrats cannot turn 
back, who at the convention adopting this 
platform, sang Greeley songs to the tune of 
"Old John Brown, his soul is marching on." 
Seeking especially the establishment of char- 
acter in the National Government, they will 
expect their President to be always true to 
himself. 

Therefore I put aside the partisan allegations, 
that Horace Greeley has gone to the Democrats, 
or that he will be controlled by Democrats. 
Each is without foundation or reason, accord- 
ing to my judgment. They are attempts to 
avoid what you recognize as the true issue, 
being the question between the two candidates, 
or, perhaps, they may be considered as scare- 
crows, to deter the timid. Nobody who votes 
for Horace Greeley will go to the Democrats, 
nor do I believe that when elected Horace 
Greeley will be under any influence except that 
enlightened conscience which will keep him 
ever true to the principles he represents. 

The conclusion from this comparison be- 
tween the two candidates is plain. Unques- 
tionably the surest trust of the colored people 
is in Horace Greeley. In everything for your 
protection and advancement he will show 
always the most heart-felt sympathy and the 
greatest vigor beyond what can be expected 
from President Grant. He is your truest 
friend. 

VOTE FOR GREELEY. 

Gentlemen, in thus answering your two in- 
quiries, I have shown why you, as colored fel- 
low citizens, and also all who would uphold 
your rights and save the colored race from in- 
dignity, should refuse to sanction the reelec- 
tion of the President, and put your trust in 
Horace Greeley. I ought to add that with 
him will be associated as Vice President 
Gratz Brown, whom I have known for years 
as a most determined Abolitionist. The two 
together will carry into the National Govern- 
ment an unswerving devotion to your rights, 
not to be disturbed by partisan dictation or 
sectional prejudice. 

Besides alt this, which may fitly guide you 
in determining between the two candidates, 



it is my duty to remind you, that, as citizens 
of the United States, and part of the country, 
your welfare is indissolubly associated with 
that of the whole country. Where all are 
prosperous you will be gainers. Therefore, 
while justly careful of your own rights, you 
cannot be indifferent to the blessings of good 
government. It is for you to consider, whether 
the time has not come for something better 
than the sword, and whether a character like 
Horace Greeley does not give stronger assur- 
ance of good government than can be found 
in the insulter of the colored race, already 
famous for the rings about him and his plain 
inapitude for civil life. The supporters of 
President Grant compel us to observe his 
offenses and short-comings. The painful con- 
trast with Horace Greeley becomes manifest. 
It will be for others in the present canvass to 
hold it before the American people. 

TOO MUCH OP A REPUBLICAN TO VOTE FOE GRANT. 

Speaking now for myself I have to say, that 
my vote will be given for Horace Greeley ; 
but, in giving it, I do not go to the Demo- 
cratic party, nor am I any less a Republican. 
On the contrary I am so much of a Repub- 
lican that I cannot support a candidate whose 
conduct in civil life shows an incapacity to 
appreciate Republican principles, and whose 
Administration is marked by acts of delin- 
quency, especially toward the colored race, 
by the side of which the allegations on the 
impeachment of Andrew Johnson were tech- 
nical and trivial. Unquestionably President 
Grant deserved impeachment for high crimes 
and misdemeanors, rather than a renomina- 
tion,and, on the trial, it would have been enough 
to exhibit his seizure of the war powers and 
his indignity to the Black Republic with its 
p opulation of 800,000, in violation of the 
national Constitution and of International Law. 
And here a contrast arises between him and 
Abraham Lincoln. The latter in his first 
annual message recommended the recognition 
of what he called the "independence and sover- 
eignty of Hayti ;" but it is at these that Pres- 
ident Grant has struck. One of Abraham 
Lincoln's earliest acts was to put the Black 
Republic on equality with other Powers ; one 
of President Grant's earliest acts was to 
degrade it. 

I am so much of a Republican, that I wish 
to seein the Presidential chair a life- time Abo- 
litionist. I also wish a President sincerely de- 
voted to Civil Service Reform beginning with the 
"One-Term Principle," which President Grant 
once accepted but now disowns. I also wish 
a President who sets the example of industry 
and unselfish dedication to the public good. 
And I wish to see a President through whom 
we may expect peace and harmony instead 
of discord. Strangely President Grant seems 
to delight in strife. If he finds no enemy, he 
falls upon his friends, as when he struck at 
the Black Republic, insulted Russia in his 
Annual Message, offended both France and 
Germany, and, then in personal relations, 
quarreled generally. 



PRINCIPLES ABOVE PARTY. 

My own personal experience teaches how 
futile is the charge that because Horace Gree- 
ley receives Democratic votes, therefore he 
becomes a Democrat, or lapses under Demo- 
cratic control. I was first chosen to the Sen- 
ate by a coalition of Free Soilers and Demo- 
crats. Democratic votes helped make me 
Senator from Massachusetts, as they also 
helped make my excellent friend, Mr. Chase, 
Senator from Ohio, and will help make Horace 
Greeley President. But neither Mr. Chase 
or myself was on this account less faithful as 
Free Soiler, and, answering for myself, I 
know that I never became a Democrat or 
lapsed under Democratic control. I do not 
doubt that Horace Greeley will be equally 
consistent. The charge to the contrary, so 
vehemently repeated, seems to reflect the 
character of those who make it, except that 
many repeat it by rote. 

There is a common saying, "Principles, 
not men," and on this ground an appeal is 
made for President Grant, feeling justly that, 
in any personal comparison with Horace 
Greeley, he must fail. But a better saying is 
"Principles and Men." I am for the princi- 
ples of the Republican Party in contradiction 
to Grantism, and I am for the man who 
truly represents them. By these principles I 
shall stand, for them I shall labor, and in 
their triumph I shall always rejoice. If any 
valued friend separates from me now, it will 
be because he places a man above principles. 
Early in public life I declared my little heed 
for party, and my indifference to the name by 
which I am called ; and now I confess my want 
of sympathy with those who would cling to the 
form after its spirit has fled. 

GREELEY'S NOMINATION A RESPONSE TO LONGING FOR 
PEACE. 

This answer would be incomplete if I did 
not call attention to another and controlling 
consideration, which cannot be neglected by 
the good citizen. Watching the remarkable 
movement, that has ended in the double 
nomination of Horace Greeley, it is easy to 
see that it did not proceed from politicians, 
whether at Cincinnati or Baltimore. Evi- 
dently it was the heart of the people, sorely 
wrung by war and the controversies it engen- 
dered, which found this expression. Sir Philip 
Sidney said of the uprising in the Netherlands, 
"It is the spirit of the Lord and is irresist- 
ible," and such a spirit is manifest now. I 
would not use the word lightly, but to my mind 
it is providential. Notwithstanding the coun- 
teracting influence of politicians, Republican 
and Democratic— in the face of persistent 
ridicule — and against the extravagance of 
unscrupulous opposition, the nomination at 
Cincinnati was triumphantly adopted at Bal- 
timore. Such an unprecedented victory with- 
out concert or propulsion of any kind can be 
explained only by supposing that it is in har- 
mony with a popular longing. That Demo- 
crats, and especially those of the South, 
should adopt a life-time Abolitionist for Pres- 
ident is an assurance of williuguesa to asso- 



8 



ciate the rights of their colored fellow-citizens 
with that reconciliation of which Horace 
Greeley was an early representative. In 
standing by Jefferson Davis at his trial and 
signing his bail-bond, he showed the same 
sentiment of humanity he so constantly dis- 
played in standing by the colored race through- 
out their prolonged trial, so that the two dis- 
cordant races find kindred hospitality in him, 
and he thus becomes a tie of union. In har- 
mony with this interesting circumstance is the 
assurance in his letter of acceptance, that if 
elected he will be "the President, not of a 
party, but of the whole people." 

RECONCILIATION. 

The nomination has been adopted by the 
Democrats in convention assembled. This 
was an event which the supporters of Presi- 
dent Grant declared impossible. I do not see 
how it can be regarded otherwise than as a 
peace-offering. As such it is of infinite value. 
The Past is rejected and a new Future is 
begun with the promise of concord. Here is 
no ordinary incident. It is a Revolution, and 
its success in pacifying the country will be in 
proportion to its acceptance by us. I dare not 
neglect the great opportunity, nor can I stand 
aloof. It is in harmony with my life which places 
Peace above all things except the Rights of 
-Man. Thus far, in constant efforts for the col- 
ored race, I have sincerely sought the good of 
all, which I was sure would be best obtained in 
fulfilling the promises of the Declaration of 
Independence, making all equal in rights. 
The spirit in which I acted appears in an 
early speech where 1 said : "Nothing in hate ; 
nothiug in vengeance." My object was secur- 
ity for Human Rights. Most anxiously I 
have looked for the time, which seems now at 
hand, when there should be reconciliation, 
not only between the North and South, but 
between the two races, so that the two sections 
and the two races may be lifted from the ruts 
and grooves in which they are now fastened, 
and instead of irritating antagonism without 
end, there shall be sympathetic cooperation. 

The existing differences ought to be ended. 
There is a time for all things, and we are 
admonished by a wide-spread popular uprising, 
bursting the bonds of party, that the time has 
come for estrangement to cease between peo- 
ple, who, by the ordinance of God, must live 
together. Gladly do I welcome the happy 
signs; nor can I observe without regret the 
the colored people in organized masses resist- 
ing the friendly overtures, even to the extent 
of intimidating those who are the other way. 
It is for thorn to consider carefully whether 
they should not take advantage of the unex- 
pected opening and recognize the " bail bond'' 
given at, Baltimore as the assurance of peace, 
and unite with me in holding the parties to the 
full performance of its conditions. Provided 
always that their rights are lixed, I am sure it 
cannot be best for the colored people to band 
together in a hostile camp, provoking antago- 
nism and keeping ulive the separation of races. 
Above all there must be no intimidation, but 



every voter must act freely without constraint 
from league or lodge. Much better will it be 
when the two political parties compete for your 
votes, each anxious foryour support. Only then 
will that citizenship, by which you are entitled 
to the equal rights of all, have its natural 
fruits. Only then will there be that harmony 
which is essential to a true civilization. 

The present position of the colored citizen is 
perilous. He is exposed to injurious pressure 
where he needs support ; but I see no early 
extrication except in the way now proposed. 
Let him cut adrift from managers who would 
wield him merely as a political force, with lit- 
tle regard to his own good, and bravely stand 
by the candidate who has stood by him. If 
Democrats unite with him, so much the bet- 
ter. The association once begun must nat- 
urally ripen in common friendship and trust. 

I am for peace in reality as in name. From 
the bottom of my heart I am for peace, and 
I welcome all that makes for peace. With 
deep-felt satisfaction I remember that no citizen 
who drew his sword against us has suffered by 
the hand of the executioner. In just associa- 
tion with this humanity will be the triumph of 
Equal Rights when the promises of the great 
Declaration are all fulfilled, and our people 
are united, as never before, in the enduring 
fellowship of a common citizenship. To this 
end there must be reconciliation, nor can I 
withhold my hand. Freely I accept the hand 
that is offered, and reach forth my own in 
friendly grasp. I am against the policy of 
hate ; I am against fanning ancient flames 
into continued life ; I am against raking the 
ashes of the Past for coals of fire yet burning. 
Pile up the ashes ; extinguish the flames ; abol- 
ish the hate. And now, turning to the Demo- 
cratic party, I hold it to all the covenants sol- 
emnly given in the adoption of a Republican 
Platform with Horace Greeley as candidate. 
There can be no backward step. 

WATCHWORD FOR TUE CANVASS. 

With no common sympathy I observe 
that Mr. Hendricks, a leading Democrat, 
whom I knew and esteemed in the Senate, 
has recently announced his acceptance of the 
Constitutional Amendments with their logi- 
cal results. He proposes, as a proper key- 
note to the popular movement now swelling 
to a sure triumph: "Just Laws and Public 
Virtue." This is a worthy aspiration, en- 
ure ly fit for the occasion. My watch- word is, 
"The Unity of the Republic, and the Equal 
Rights of All, with Reconciliation." Such is 
my heartfelt cry, and wherever my voice can 
reach, there do I insist upon all these, hum- 
bly invoking the blessings of Divine Provi- 
dence, which, I believe, must descend upon 
such a cause. 

Aecept my best wishes for yourselves per- 
sonally and for the people you represent, and 
believe me, gentlemen, your faithful friend, 
CHARLES SUMNER. 
To Dr. Augusta, William H.. A.. Wokmley, 

and others. 









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